Emotional, Cognitive, and Social Effects on Sexually Abused Children
Sexual abuse is a topic that many people through-out the United States have heard about or have even had a conversation about. It is talked about so much because it is a widespread social problem that affects both genders from childhood through adulthood. More specifically, people talk about the effects that sexual abuse has on children. A common question that arises about children who are sexually abused is what type of emotional, cognitive, and social effects sexual abuse has on the brain and body. Fourty-five studies have been done that clearly demonstrate that sexually abused children have more symptoms than nonabused children, with abuse accounting for 15–45% of the variance (Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993). Children can have lasting symptoms that carry on into adulthood and may even gradually get worse as they age.
“Sexually abused children can show a variety of symptoms,” according to Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor (1993). Some of the most common broad symptoms shown by children who were sexually abused are fears, posttraumatic stress disorder, behavior problems, family dysfunction, sexualized behaviors, and poor self-esteem. Researchers did a study on the more specific symptoms of children who have been sexually abused and found that symptoms in children can show different results according to their different age groups.
“For preschoolers, the most common symptoms were anxiety, nightmares, general posttraumatic stress syndrome, internalizing, externalizing, and in-appropriate sexual behavior. For school-age children, the most common symptoms included fear, neurotic and general mental illness, aggression, nightmares, school problems, hyperactivity, and regressive behavior. For adolescents, the most common behaviors were depression; withdrawn, suicidal, or self-injurious behaviors; somatic complaints; illegal acts; running away; and substance abuse (Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993).” Some symptoms that were common through-out the age groups were aggression, nightmares, and depression. All of these symptoms can affect a child’s emotional, cognitive and social growth because, if they start out as a child with these symptoms then they can cause development to lack and may also slow development down.
During that same study done by Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor (1993) they found out the different symptoms for different ages of children. Researchers Mannarino and Cohen, (1986) that were researched in this study, found that about 36% of the tested children were asymptomatic. The first possibility according to Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor (1993) is that the studies did not include measures of all appropriate symptoms or the researchers were not using sensitive enough instruments. Another possibility is that asymptomatic children are those who have yet to develop their symptoms. This could be because the children are effective at suppressing symptoms or have not yet processed their experiences or because true traumatization occurs at subsequent developmental stages, when the children’s victim status comes to have more meaning or consequences for them (Berliner, 1991).
Children who did show asymptomatic symptoms were expected to show symptoms later on in their lives. According to another study, it proved that expectation to be correct. In this study by Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor (1993) and researched by Gomes-Schwartz, Horowitz, Cardarelli, & Sauzier (1990), the asymptomatic children were the ones most likely to worsen by the time of the 18-month follow up: 30% of them developed symptoms. Even though these children who showed asymptomatic symptoms were expected to show symptoms later on in life, not all of them do. These children might have had the least damaging abuse or have good psychological and social treatment resources according to Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor (1993).
A study was done in Korea by Choi and Oh (2013) to identify the mediating effects of emotion regulation on the association between cumulative childhood trauma and behavior problems in sexually abused children by using structural equation modeling. They collected data on 171 children ranging in ages between six to thirteen years old who referred to a public counseling center for sexual abuse. These children were defined on the basis of number of traumas and the severity and duration of traumas. In clinical groups composed of abused children, those who experienced both physical abuse and sexual abuse showed higher rates of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than those who experienced just one type of abuse, and they also tended to show higher rates of psychiatric diagnoses and comorbidity (Ackerman et al., 1998, Deblinger et al., 1989 and Fergusson et al., 2008). Choi and Oh (2013) reported that sexually abused children who had experienced multiple interpersonal traumas were significantly more likely to have multiple psychiatric diagnoses than those who had not experienced multiple interpersonal traumas, even after statistically controlling for the effects of sexual abuse characteristics and environmental and post-incident factors.
Choi and Oh (2013) collected information from Shipman, Zeman, Penza, and Champion (2000) who found that sexually abused girls showed less emotional understanding and also more unstable, negative, and deregulated emotions in comparison to nonabused peers. According to Choi and Oh (2013) sexually abused children who suffered from more serious and long-lasting trauma were found to have more serious damage to their emotion regulation ability, which was the mechanism underlying various areas of psychological maladjustment.
Another study that was done by Diehl and Prout (2002) tested on how symptoms of sexually abused children affected the child’s self-efficacy. “Beginning in middle childhood, children who are sexually abused report that they are less competent and less accepted than non-abused peers of the same socioeconomic status. The internal self, social self, and socially comparative self are more prominent during middle childhood, according to Diehl and Prout (2002).” Diehl and Prout gathered information from Harter (1999) informing that sexual abuse disrupts the development of certain cognitive components of the self, such as self-agency. A sexually abused child is more likely to compare himself less favorably with his peers and incorporate beliefs in his inferiority. When a child compares their self in a negative way, it can affect their social and emotional development. The different part of Diehl and Prout’s (2002) study shows that another way that child sexual abuse hinders the development of self-efficacy is through the production of negative self-evaluations and negative core beliefs. Not only does this just affect children but it can affect adults who were abused earlier on.
The research on the cognitions of adults who were sexually abused as children indicates that the adults more frequently generated statements of self-blame and self-denigration or lowered self-efficacy according to Diehl and Prout (2002). Mannarino, Cohen, and Berman (1994) found that sexually abused children reported heightened self-blame for negative events, reduced interpersonal trust, and a sense of being different from nonabused peers. Within the study, Diehl and Prout (2002) found that women who had used emotion-focused strategies when coping with sexual abuse reported experiencing more symptoms in adulthood. The older the woman was as a child or youth when the abuse began, the more likely she was to have used problem-solving strategies. This greatly affects their cognitive and emotional development.
A study done by Parent-Boursier and Hebert used 142 child participants who disclosed sexual abuse involving a perpetrator other than the biological father. This study was done to show the effect of the child’s perception of security in their relationship to the father and also behavior problems. “Women who experienced paternal support during childhood who were not sexually abused used less emotional coping strategies, such as avoidance, and instead relied on more active strategies linked to better psychosocial adjustment,” according to Parent-Boursier and Hebert (2010). Parent-Boursier and Hébert (2010) found, in a sample of 79 children aged six to twelve years old, that perception of paternal security (i.e. being available and providing support) was a predictor of children’s internalizing behavior problems and self-esteem, even after controlling for the influence of perception of maternal security and characteristics related to the child sexual abuse. “Less than 10 % of sexual abuse cases reported in a community sample of high school students were perpetrated by fathers; thus 90 % of victims may potentially benefit from their father’s support following disclosure of child sexual abuse, according to Parent-Boursier and Hébert (2010).”
Many people believe that child sexual abuse has an effect on women who get pregnant later on in life or have postpartum. A study was done by Wosu, Gelaye, and Willims on effects of sexual child abuse for pregnant and postpartum women. According to Wosu, Gelaye, and Willims (2014), “those who experienced adult or childhood sexual violence reported more pregnancy-related symptoms like headache, leucorrhea, heartburn, urinary incontinence, pruritus gravidarum, and edema.” Studies have also documented associations of history of sexual abuse with smoking or illicit drug use during pregnancy (Gisladottir et al. 2014), delivery by caesarian section (Nerum et al. 2013), and two- to threefold odds of preterm delivery.
This study by Wosu, Gelaye, and Willims showed that, “Women are at particularly elevated risk for posttraumatic stress disorder during their reproductive years, specifically during pregnancy and postpartum periods, with posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms likely to reach their peak closer to delivery,” according to Wosu, Gelaye, and Willims (2014). Wosu, Gelaye, and Willim’s (2014) study also suggests that women with a history of child sexual abuse may re-experience flashbacks of their traumatic abuse, as well as increased anxiety and stress during labor and delivery which may prolong childbirth.
Traumatic events such as child sexual abuse is thought to have a link to why someone turns into a psychopath. A study of the correlation between child sexual abuse and psychopathy was done by Borja and Ostrosky (2013). The relationship between these two was studied in 194 male inmates and was done by assessing the frequency of abuse, age of onset, perpetrator, and the impact on the individual. According to Borja and Ostrosky (2013), “Experiencing traumatic events during critical developmental stages, intense anxiety, and chronic stress directly affects the maturation of cerebral structures, namely the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the prefrontal cortex, and can lead to hyperactivity of the sympathetic nervous system.” These kinds of traumatic events can include sexual abuse. “The path that turns a child into a psychopath after a traumatic event such as sexual child abuse are namely learning antisocial strategies to cope with stressful situations, hyper activating the sympathetic nervous system, or damaging brain structures implicated in emotion, inhibition, and aggression”, according to Borja and Ostrosky (2013).
All of these studies clearly show a wide variety of emotional, cognitive, and social symptoms that are the effects of child sexual abuse. Child sexual abuse can damage a child and can hinder their growth as an adult. Starting out as a child with symptoms such as depression, aggression and nightmares affects them in all three development areas. As the sexually abused child grows into an adult their self-worth, self-esteem, and self-efficacy gets affected. Other situations in life are also affected such as relationships with parents, problems during pregnancy, or even at its worst, psychopathy. Many studies show that child sexual abuse has a negative effect on a person’s emotional, cognitive, and social growth and development.
References
Borja, Karina and Ostrosky, Feggy (2013). Early Traumatic Events in Psychopaths. Journal of Forensic Sciences, 58, 927-931. DOI: 10.1111/1556-4029.12104
Choi, Ji Young., Oh, Kyung Ja (2013). Cumulative childhood trauma and psychological maladjustment of sexually abused children in Korea: Mediating effects of emotion regulation. Journal of Traumatic disorder, 26, 149-157. DOI: 10.1016/j.chiabu.2013.09.009
Diehl, Amy S., and Prout, Maurice F. (April 2002). Effects of posttraumatic stress disorder and child sexual abuse on self-efficacy development. American Journal of Orthopschiatry, 72 (2), 262-265. DOI:10.1037/0002-9432.72.2.262
Kendall-Tackett, Kathleen A., Williams, Linda M., Finkelhor, David. (January, 1993). Impact of sexual abuse of children: A review and synthesis of recent empirical studies. Journal of Behavior Disorders & Antisocial Behavior, 113, 164-180. DOI: 10.1037/0033-2909.113.1.164
Parent-Boursier, Claudel and Hébert, Martine. (2006). Security in father-child relationship and behavior problems in sexually abused children. Journal of Family Violence, 21, 287-299. DOI:10.1007/s10896-006-9026-2.
Wosu, Adaeze C., Gelaye, Bizu, and Williams, Michelle A. (2014). Childhood sexual abuse and posttraumatic stress disorder among pregnant and postpartum women: review of the literature. Journal of Women’s Mental Health of the World Psychiatric Association, 18, 61-72. DOI: 10.1007/s00737-014-0482-z